Time to Rerun “The Civil War”

28 July 10
“The South loses this battle, Cartman.  They lose the war!” – Kyle Broflovski
“Nuh-huh, the South is gonna win.” – Eric Cartman

As we trudge toward the first election in this country with a sitting black President, the racial hysterics and fear mongering on the right have reached heights not seen in decades.  Racial dog whistles have been part of Red campaigns since Nixon launched the Southern Strategy decades ago with “law and order” appeals.  Reagan’s “young buck” and “welfare queens” followed in due course, as did Bush the Elder’s Willie Horton ad and Bush the Younger’s not so subtle attacks on John McCain’s Bangladeshi daughter in the 2000 primary.  But now the right is putting away the dog whistles and bringing out the megaphones.

Three idiots in leather jackets have become the new face of white fear, and the spectacular backfire of the attacks on Shirley Sherrod are unlikely to prevent similar horseshit between now and November.  The closest thing the right has come to a move towards racial equality of any kind has been their newfound desire to be as scared of brown people as they are of black ones.  On some level that may count as progress, if for no other reason than it’ll make it easier for the rest of the country to identify the last holdouts inside Fortress Whitey.  Of course, now that the drawbridge has been raised, it seems unlikely that any of them are coming out any time soon.

It may be time to appeal to the better angles of their nature, using the one weapon to which white people are uniquely vulnerable: nostalgia.  We love anniversaries here in America, and there are two that are coming up which could be useful.  The first is old and huge, the second is just an echo, but was something of a phenomenon in its day.  I’m referring to the Civil War, and the iconic PBS series of the same title.

According to IMDb, this September will be the twentieth anniversary of Ken Burns’ masterful “The Civil War”.  (The 150th anniversary of the start of the actual war will be next April, which will in turn be followed by four years of various 150th anniversaries.)  The nine part documentary has held up stunningly well, and comes complete with cool gory pictures, David McCullough’s authoritative narration, and heart breaking first hand accounts of the worst four years in American history.  The DVDs look spectacular, even on a big television, and that damn song remains as haunting as ever.

(Moreover, the voice acting has, if this is even possible, become even more resonant.  Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglas, the two moral pillars of the war, are quoted at length and are voiced by Sam Waterston and Morgan Freeman, neither of whom was nearly as popular in 1990 as they are now.  Waterston has since become fixed in the public mind as the very embodiment of upright public service by hundreds of episodes of “Law & Order”.  Freeman, meanwhile, has become as big a star as can be, playing everyone from god, to the President, to Nelson Mandela.)

What “The Civil War” does so well is depict the humanity of both sides while at the same time making it abundantly and unquestionably clear that the war was begun by slavery, fought over slavery, and ultimately became an armed moral crusade of irresistible justice to abolish slavery.  People who to this day think of blacks as less than American, and the Lost Cause wackos to their right, are given nowhere to hide.  Shelby Foote, the charming historian who is straight out of central casting for “Southern gentleman”, crushes those kinds of notions into pulp, including making it abundantly clear that the Confederacy never had a chance.

But it isn’t all Americana and stirring string music.  Barbara Fields, another central casting historian, this time of a variety Slim Charles once referred to as “bona fide colored lady”, rains on the Union victory parade near the end.  Without pretending any virtues or pulling any punches, she and Burns remind everyone that Appomattox was only the beginning of equality for blacks in America.  For many of the victors of the war, basic rights like voting were still a century or more away.

Television doesn’t get much better than this, and it speaks directly against the hyperventilating hysteria that has increasingly marked politics here in the age of Obama.  We could all do with a little refresher course, especially when racially ugly words like “secession” are being bandied about, and a twentieth anniversary is as good an excuse as any.  It probably wouldn’t do much good, but it couldn’t hurt; and, at the very least, it might make some of the more retro dog whistles – 14th Amendment, anyone? – too shameful for primetime.

End Note:  One of the reasons this thing has held up so well is its lack of re-enactments of any kind.  There are no filtered lens shots of cannons going off or soldiers marching.  Those kinds of things cheapen everything, and Burns had the good sense to not include them at all.


Breakfast for Two

25 July 10
“Son, you’re losing it.  There was a day when this room would’ve been a third full.” – Duke Phillips

There is an excellent and morbidly funny article in the August issue of Harpers.  (Sadly, it is not available freely on-line.)  The author, David Samuels, pulls no punches in describing the grim theatricality and through-the-looking-glass mentality of Hamid Karzai’s recent house call to 1600 Pennsylvania.  Amidst the usual recital of woes (massive corruption, American money being used to bribe insurgents) and official bullshit (we’re working together better than ever, we’re very mindful of the sacrifices so many have made) there is a scene that perfectly underlines the taboo reality that the only reason we’re still at war in Afghanistan is domestic American politics.

It is the day after Karzai and Obama’s surreal joint press conference:

No one shows up for breakfast at the State Department with the Afghan cabinet except for me and a guy from Mother Jones.  Sitting in a windowless room in Foggy Bottom and eating bagels and cream cheese with a dozen Afghan government officials at 8 A.M. is no one’s idea of breakfast at the Ritz, to be sure, but still the turnout is a bit hard to fathom, especially for the Afghans, who can’t believe that they’ve been dragged out of bed to be asked unpleasant questions by two beardless plebs.

Recall that the official position of our government is that nothing is more important than the creation of a stable, legitimate and effective Afghan government that can keep nasty terrorists from using its territory to plan and train for nefarious deeds.  The entire official reason for the war rests on the success or failure of the people in that windowless room, and yet the only reporters who showed up came from two lefty magazines with a combined circulation of less than 500,000.  If the official story of why we’re at war is even a little bit true, if the Afghan government is absolutely vital to our plans, then that room should’ve been crawling with reporters.

But the room was empty because everyone of any importance, in or out of government, knows that the Afghanis are incidental to the Afghan War.  At this point, the war is an American passion play, one that has almost nothing to do with whatever actually happens in that faraway land that most Americans, including Congress, probably couldn’t find on a globe.  That free food and the people who are theoretically more important to the war effort than almost anyone else attracted only two journalists tells you how unimportant they really are.

The Afghan cabinet?  How boring.  Now, had Sarah Palin or some other American celebrity been there, then you’d have had a story that would matter to the assholes in charge.


Illegality Was the Least of Their Problems

21 July 10
“You’re watching Top Hat Entertainment, adult programming all day, every day, except in Florida and Utah.  Coming up next, ‘Stardust Mammaries’.” – TV Announcer

The highest profile federal obscenity case of the last few years was unceremoniously thrown out of court this week.  The intrepid Susannah Breslin has the details, including a prosecutorial team from so far down the depth chart that they couldn’t get a CD to play.  Farce begets farce, even in court.

The days of porn being illegal seem to be basically over.  Now the porn industry has to face something much more daunting: the days of porn being boring.  If the globe spanning fame of “2 Girls, 1 Cup” proved anything, it’s that while you can still shock, you can’t produce any kind of meaningfully profitable outrage anymore.  And so, as plenty of people have pointed out before, porn is in the same position as music, movies and other – ahem – “content” industries.  It’s just another group of people trying to turn a buck by getting consumers to pay attention, and maybe pay some money to do so.

But in a world where everything that’s recorded can be both a) easily copied and b) played back at the consumer’s discretion, how do you do that?  How do you create something that can resist at least one of those pressures?  The movie industry has the built in advantage of giving people a place to go.  Whether it’s teenagers who want to escape from their families, parents who want to subdue younger kids for a brief respite, or people who just want to get out of the house and do something, movie theaters offer an experience that’s beyond just the movie.  In a similar vein, the music industry increasingly relies on live performances to generate its revenue, to the benefit of the musicians and the detriment of middlemen.

Television can’t easily do live performances and is, almost by definition, viewed in the home.  But television has an ace up its sleeve in the form of events that cannot be easily enjoyed on TiVo.  Primarily, that means live sports and other live events.  In those cases, the speed of modern communication is a helper in that it makes watching things live a much different experience than watching them recorded.  If all of your friends, websites and other always-on media are talking about it as its happening, live becomes valuable.

Porn, it would seem, will need to hack together some combination of television and music’s solution to making money in the modern world.  The crowd that quietly jerks off and goes about its day is all but lost.  There is simply too much for free for anyone to be forced into paying for recorded content.  But the world is not about to run out of lonely men with disposable income.

One of the most prominent themes of Breslin’s previous projects “Letters from Working Girls” and “Letters from Johns” was how often sex work is more about companionship than it is about orgasms.  Whether that means more live webcams or personalizing porn (would someone pay a few hundred bucks to have an actress scream out his name during a scene?), investing porn with a human touch has the potential to make it specialized enough to be worth paying for.  The market now is the men in the world who want something more than a quick, self induced release.

Of course, there’s a flipside to that coin, the bullies and assholes who watch to see girls chewed up and put in their place.  But even then, there’s likely a lucrative live market waiting to be exploited.  Live tonight, Actress X will do Crazy Shit Y with Object/Actor Z!  One night only, no one knows what will happen!  The allure and immediacy of “live” is a powerful thing, and dickheads who are into using porn to feel superior would probably lap up the “danger” of knowing it was happening right now.  Making money off the crueler parts of human sexuality is an ancient art, one that seems unlikely to go under on account of a few, piffling technological revolutions.

Whatever happens, we can be absolutely sure of two things.  One, the internet will continue to barf up weird and freaky shit that is unpleasant to the overwhelming majority of people but that is unlikely to be prosecutable.  And two, people (mostly women) will make a living by taking off their clothes in front of a camera.


Dear Michael Bay . . .

18 July 10
“Dear purveyors of senseless violence.  I know this may sound silly at first, but I believe that the cartoons you show to our children are influencing their behavior in a negative way.  Please try to tone down the psychotic violence in your otherwise fine programming.” – Marge Simpson

Dear Michael Bay, Joseph Nichol, J. J. Abrams, and the rest of the practitioners of the quick cut school of action scenes, you all suck.  Well, okay, with the exception of Nichol you don’t entirely suck.  But let’s face it, James Cameron and Christopher Nolan have the same job, and they’re much better at it than you are.

Cameron and Nolan, though they’re not the only ones, are capable of staging action sequences that are coherent and compelling enough that they’re not afraid to let some shots last more than one second.  Hyper fast cuts, often comprised mostly of close shots that allow the viewer to see nothing but a hand or a face, can work well in martial arts movies where there is a premium on lighting fast speed.  But not all action movies are martial arts movies, and the school of the super fast cut has become a crutch used to support otherwise bland action sequences.

Much like “morphing” effects in the wake of Terminator 2 and “bullet time” effects after The Matrix, the quick cut action sequence has become an overused habit of mediocre action films.  These days it is no longer the mark of edgy, cool filmmaking.  It is the mark of hacks, of directors and editors who cannot conceive that the attention span of the audience might not be measured in tenths of a second.

Set aside your natural apathy for the coherent storytelling in Avatar and Inception, and just watch the action sequences.  They are a symphony of tricks and techniques, from slow motion and wide angles to your preferred methods of quick cuts and massive explosions.  The events conjured in those movies are spectacular enough to be lingered over, and their directors are confident enough of the entertainment value of such spectacles to give the audience a moment to appreciate them.

Relatively pedestrian things like car chases (Terminator 4, and the reprehensible Transformers 2) and bar fights (Star Trek) cannot be made bigger than they really are with shots that last just a few frames.  Which is not a knock on car chases and bar fights; they’re fun to watch in movies, always have been, always will be.  But no matter how hard you shine a penny, it’s not going to turn into a nickel.  Let the car chases be car chases, and the bar fights be bar fights, and stop hiding them behind pointlessly intricate editing.  Thank you.


Institutions Matter, Especially That One on the Ballot

14 July 10
“Well, your honor, we’ve got plenty of hearsay and conjecture.  Those are kinds of evidence.” – Lionel Hutz

Over the weekend there was a piece at boston.com that hashed together some old studies on the science of people’s political beliefs and their abilities to change their opinions when presented with corrective facts.  Facts, it turns out, can’t always get people (especially strong partisans) to change their minds.  For some reason, this got quite a bit of play on-line, frequently accompanied by some variation on “we’re doomed!”.  By way of example, here’s the usually calmer Digby:

And the answer doesn’t seem to be more education. It turns out that even those who are factually right about 90 percent of things are so confident that they are completely unwilling to correct the 10% they are wrong about.

One of the suggested cures is to shame the purveyors of information, the media, with fact checking. But the author rightly observes that the media is shameless.

It turns out that our brains are designed to create “cognitive shortcuts” to cope with the rush of information which I’m guessing is more important than ever in this new age. I’m also guessing one of these “cognitive shortcuts” is trusting in certain tribal identification and shared “worldview” to make things easier to sort out, which is why things are getting hyperpartisan and polarized in this time of information overload. (And sadly, one of the effects of that would be more confirmation of whatever bad information exists within the group.) So politics becomes a dogfight in which the battle is not just between ideas, but between the facts themselves.

We’ve seen the beginnings of a sophisticated manipulation of this effect during the Bush administration’s experimentation with epistemic relativism. (We are seeing it today with the obsession with deficits as well.) I wonder if democracy is up for this?

Yikes, that all sounds awfully dire.  Matthew Yglesias, partially responding to Digby, has a slightly more optimistic take:

The reason the system functions is that democratic accountability doesn’t depend on voters knowing what they’re talking about. Most people have strong partisan identities, and just vote for the same team. And swing voters’ views are driven overwhelmingly by economic performance.

This isn’t fantastic—it means politicians have incentive to neglect long-term issues. But it’s better than it might be. And certainly I think quality of life in America would go up if Presidents paid more attention to delivering the goods in terms of economic growth and less attention to spin and media manipulation and the occasional (though not all that common) effort to pander to public opinion.

Yglesias, as he is want to do, then goes on about how this is further reason we need to reform our political institutions, specifically to limit the obstruction ability of the minority.  He’s right that most people just vote for their team and be done with it, and that plenty of our political institutions don’t work well.  His relatively optimistic conclusion, that none of that has ever halted the functioning of democracy, is also correct.

But the institutions and history on which Yglesias bases his optimism have a rather glaring problem, and in one specific instance Digby’s pessimism is easily justified.  What Yglesias fails to mention is that the two biggest and most important political institutions in the country are the Democratic Party and the Republican Party, nothing else is in their league in terms of scope, size or influence.  One of them isn’t holding up its end of the bargain these days, and that is an incredibly dangerous thing.

Coincidentally, I just finished reading John Amato and Dave Neiwert’s new book, “Over the Cliff: How Obama’s Election Drove the American Right Insane”.  It deserves a full review at some point, but this example from the end of the book neatly points out why there is serious cause for institutional alarm here in the summer of 2010 (quoting right wing expert Dave Weigel):

The conspiracist on the right has had stomping grounds at FreeRepublic and WND, while the radical on the far left is banned from sites like Daily Kos if he/she posts a conspiracy theory.

This is a critically important point, and it goes further towards explaining the current predicament of the two major parties than any other single sentence I’ve read.  While it’s true that FreeRepublic and WND aren’t the Republican Party, David Vitter is a sitting Republican Senator, and earlier this week he lent his credibility to the Birther conspiracy theory that came directly from those sites and others like them.

In contrast, after the 2004 election, when the liberal side of the internet was flooded with conspiracy theories, they were quickly tamped down and exiled to the fringe.  Even when one such theory was given the dual respectability of Rolling Stone and Robert Kennedy Jr., the lunacy was never permitted to take hold.  The institutions on the left, including the Democratic Party itself, kept the fact free speculation brigade away from the corridors of power.  The lunatics were never permitted to run the asylum.

The Republican Party and its various supporting apparatuses have proven themselves unwilling to do the same, and America needs the Republican Party.  We need the Republican Party to keep an eye on the Democratic Party; we need the Republican Party to present and advocate realistic alternatives to Democratic policies; we need the Republican Party to represent the millions of Americans who are conservative.  But the Party does its constituents a massive disservice when it allows easily disproved conspiracies to go unchallenged and become the unofficial Party line.

We live in a time when we have to take a lot of things on trust.  There simply aren’t enough hours in the day for someone to stay on top of every issue in this country.  It’s impossible.  Institutions like the two main political parties make participatory government possible for the masses by providing a supposedly trustworthy shortcut.  When a party abuses that trust by, say, allowing a noisy fringe into the mainstream, it’s bad for everybody.  Ordinary conservatives get their views warped by having factually incorrect information foisted on them by their leaders (death panels!, Obama won’t produce his birth certificate!), and the rest of the country loses a legitimate political choice.

It’s one thing to throw red meat to the base to get them to turn out in November; it is quite another to hem and haw or wink and nod when confronted with provable falsehoods lest ye be tarred a RINO.  Bob Dole, Bush the Elder, and especially Ronald Reagan, were adept at straddling that divide.  Now, the once fearsome Republican hierarchy has become a pack of timid followers, afraid to say anything that contradicts the fevered fantasies of its badly misinformed base.  They’ve let their party come unmoored from what they derisively termed “discernable reality”, and while it’s not a threat to democracy, it’s got the potential to do a hell of a lot of damage.


The Most Important Election Since Two Years Ago

11 July 10
“We’ve squabbled over money before . . . never this much.  I mean, I know this is different than that time I washed your pants with the twenty in the pocket, but I-” – Marge Simpson
“No, no, no, you, you this is about money?  Well it’s not, it’s worse, Marge” – Homer Simpson

Eric Alterman’s “Kabuki Democracy: Why a Progressive Presidency Is Impossible, for Now” (via) is an amazingly comprehensive description of the American political landscape here in the summer of 2010.  Alterman has one big problem though, and that I’m about to describe it at length should not take away from his article.  It is magisterial in its overview, and grounded enough to recognize where that may be a hindrance.

It is only the ending with which I must disagree, just the final few paragraphs of an article that went thirty pages when I pasted it into Word.  In other words, the roughly 2% of this that I’m about to vehemently criticize should in not – in any way – be understood as a disagreement with the other 98% of the piece.  If you are the least bit interested in early, 21st century American politics, particularly its pathological ability to ignore apolitical and (relatively) uncontested facts, this is the article you’ve been waiting for.

Its whopping length can be easily defended on grounds of comprehensiveness. Yeah, it’s long; but it’s also got just about everything you (or a grad student thirty years from now) needs to know about the structure of American self government.   This really is what it’s like.

Here’s the criticism: having scouted through the forest and underbrush of traps and obstacles that lie in the way of non-insane policy, the only prescription Alterman can offer is a variation on the old left wing saw of “Don’t mourn, organize.”  Far worse, he even falls into the fatal trap of thinking that maybe things need to get worse so that they can get better:

Obama is taking the best deal on the table today, but hopes and expects that once he is re-elected in 2012—a pretty strong bet, I’d say—he will build on the foundations laid during his first term to bring on the fundamental “change” that is not possible in today’s environment. This would be consistent with FDR’s strategy during his second term and makes a kind of sense when one considers the nature of the opposition he faces today and the likelihood that it will discredit itself following a takeover of one or both houses in 2010.

It seems very doubtful that the Reds could manage to “discredit” themselves more than they already have.  If the Blues lose part (or all) of Congress this fall, it won’t be because lots of people have changed their minds since 2008.  It will be because people who voted Red in 2008, who can’t deal with a black man and a white woman occupying the top levels of the American political pyramid, are really distressed.  Dismissing a potential Red Congressional capture as just another step towards the inevitable liberal future is so naive as to border on dangerous.

The 2010 election is absolutely vital, and any notion that losing one or both houses of Congress isn’t that big a deal needs to be put out of mind immediately.  Speaker Boehner is a grim enough thought, but Boehner’s not the real threat.  The danger lies in all those gavel stroking committee chairman.

We don’t even need to imagine what will happen if drooling, hypocritical nutjob Reds get their hands on the subpoena power to start calling witnesses and legally demanding Obama’s toilet paper bill.  All you’ve got to do is look back on the endlessly groundless scandals of the last six years of the Clinton Administration.  Let’s not forget that it was the completely fictional Whitewater fantasy that begat Ken Starr, which begat Clinton’s Lewinsky testimony, which begat the most hopeless impeachment trial in the history of ever, which torpedoed the last three years of Clinton’s presidency.

(Speaking of Clintons, Hillary is still in Obama’s cabinet, and you can be damn sure a Red House will scour the State Department down to the bone.  Whether or not anything untoward is actually going on won’t matter, the men doing the investigating already “know” what they’re looking for.  Can we really be sure that Vince Foster is still dead without exhuming the corpse?  It would be irresponsible not to investigate.)

The danger of a Red House or Senate is very real, and while the perpetual obstruction of the Clinton Administration can provide us with an outline, it is likely to be very much worse this time around.  Consider that in just fifteen months, Obama endured twice as many rumors, and three times as many false ones, as Bush the Younger did in his entire eight year reign.  The shitstorm of bullshit – but distracting – accusations and pseudo-scandals will be unlike anything this country has ever seen; and you can be damn sure that everything, from Obama’s birth certificate to the last twenty years of unsolved Chicago homicides, will suddenly become the focus of intense Congressional and media attention.

I’ve got a lot of confidence in Ruy Teixeira’s theory that the almost exclusively white base of the American right is shrinking every day.  I have similar confidence in the idea that the gradual darkening of American skin will eventually force the Republican Party to muzzle (though not actually dump) the racist right.  Alterman’s article seems to share those convictions, for the most part.  But we aren’t there yet, the illogical hysteria of Arizona’s “papers please” governor Jan Brewer is proof enough of that.  Given the extremely hampered state of the post-Bush the Younger federal government (to say nothing of global politics and climate), it would be vastly better if we continue progressing now, rather than pausing for two or four or even more years.

Maybe the biggest conceptual difference between the Reds and the Blues in 2010 is that while the right dreads the future, the left can hardly wait for it to get here.  But I’m tired of waiting, so . . . uh . . . “organize”?


War Coverage

7 July 10
“I don’t know what’s happening.  It seems our profits have dropped thirty-seven percent.” – C.M. Burns
“I’m afraid we have a bad image, sir.  Market research show people see you as something of an ogre.” – Mr. Smithers
“I ought to club them and eat their bones!” – C.M. Burns

A couple of months ago I compared the media coverage of BP’s Gulf Whoopsie to the kind required for reporting a war.  It’s not a story that lasts days or weeks, but one that goes on and on; and even though other events may muscle it off the front page for a week or more, it’s still going to be there.  Perhaps foolishly, I figured that this story would keep itself a little closer to Page 1.  The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are far away, and the effects here in America are largely confined to the troops, veterans and their families (to whom very few important people pay more than the minimum of attention).  The despoiling of expensive resorts and fancy beach homes, on the other hand, seemed more likely to garner sustained attention.  It seems I did not take my war comparison far enough.

While we may not literally be at war in the Gulf of Mexico, that has been no impediment to the imposition of wartime media restrictions.  These include, but are certainly not limited to:

- Law enforcement detaining journalists for questions by BP employees

- Threats of arrest for not complying with BP’s whims

- Federal felony prosecution for just coming close to areas where clean-up efforts are underway (needless to say, such areas are hazily defined)

- General harassment and discouragement of protected First Amendment exercises

On some level such restrictions are patently absurd.  It’s not as though we lack for visual evidence of BP’s massive fuck up.  On a more fundamental level, though, it makes perfect sense.  The interests of BP and the various levels of government with which it is interacting don’t entirely coincide, but they overlap completely when it comes to the public perception of the spill.  The smaller the problem appears, the better they both look.

Compounding the desire to hide their shared shame is the very longevity of the issue.  If we’re lucky, the gusher itself may be shut off next month.  But the oil is going to linger in the Gulf and related waters for years.  The sooner the impact of the gusher can be minimized, the easier it’s going to be to claim retroactively that people are overstating the harms caused by it.

Worse, such belief in perception over reality is now being applied not only to nosy reporters, but clean cut science types as well (via):

And the lack of accurate information has taken its toll, he said. If BP had properly understood what was going on 5,000 feet below the surface, it never would have attempted to stop it with a “top hat.” And had they realized the pressure from the oil reserves was beyond the threshold for “top kill” they wouldn’t have wasted time on that, either.

“We could have effective containment systems available now, if we’d had the measurements,” he said.

We’ll never know if that’s actually true or not, but we can already say for certain that BP’s public statements and their actions so far have resembled nothing so much as the famous Five-o’clock-Follies of Vietnam fame.  And a year or two from now, after the well is capped, but while its effects are still being felt, some intrepid reporter will write a book about it.  That book will likely document not only massive incompetence and lying on BP’s part, but also the various ways in which this could’ve been handled better had public relations been banished to the back seat at the beginning.  It’ll make a little stir for a week or two, before we inevitably move on to something else.

Nor is there much comfort to take in the fact that various media organizations have gotten themselves in a twist over BP’s aggressive anti-journalist practices.  They remain all too ready to obsequiously defer to Authority.  BP just doesn’t command the same flag waving respect as the government or the military.

I don’t have a point here, I don’t even have a question to ask.  I just think it’s telling that even an ongoing catastrophe of this magnitude can’t shock our various media and political systems out of their obsession with image over reality.


History for Losers

4 July 10
“I still don’t believe all the Founding Fathers were Stonecutters.” – Lisa Simpson
“That’s because you trust your stupid school books.  Here’s what really happened at the signing of the Declaration of Independence.” – Homer Simpson

Jack Kennedy was assassinated in on 22 November, 1963.  The crime was solved shortly thereafter when Lee Harvey Oswald was arrested.  Despite that, intelligent and serious people have, at various times, tried to pin his crime on everyone from the Russians to the mob to Lyndon Johnson and the Loch Ness Monster.  Theories like those bring a sense of dramatic proportion to something as gargantuan as the assassination of the world’s most powerful man.  The reality, that it was perpetrated by a man no one had ever heard of and about whom almost no one cared, is far too mundane to be satisfying.  A big event like that demands a big explanation, and some people are inherently suspect of the small one, however much the facts indicate that it is correct.

The happenstance of history is one of the underlying themes of David Aaronovitch’s marvelous new book about conspiracy theories, “Voodoo Histories”.  Shot through with dry British humor, “Voodoo Histories” trades in the kind of cool, witty derision that is the surest way to hold up lunatic ideas for the ridicule they so richly deserve.  In discussing the Kennedy Assassination, Aaronovitch not only smacks aside theories of varying craziness and easily falsifies many of the “facts” upon which they rest, he also brings a measure of understanding (if not compassion) as to why otherwise reasonable people succumb to them.

Aaronovitch points out that while it’s true that America has a long tradition of assassinating Presidents (four out of forty-four have died from gunfire, a 9% fatality rate not counting natural causes), America also has a long tradition of failing to assassinate Presidents that gets considerably less attention.  Gerald Ford and both Roosevelts were shot at.  Andrew Jackson survived office only because two pistols misfired.  Ronald Reagan came within an inch of being killed just two months into his first term.

But Reagan survived, and his near assassination is little more than a Jeopardy question.  There are no books ridiculing the idea that some lone nut could bring down a president because he thought Jodie Foster would be smitten.  There are no biographies of John Hinckley positing that he was a Soviet agent or some kind of brainwashed stooge, not because such books would be impossible to construct, but because there is no demand for them.  The reason that demand doesn’t exist is one of pure chance, the bullet that struck Reagan narrowly missed his heart.  A centimeter or two this way or that, and we’d have a second conspiracy on our hands.  Instead, the Wikipedia page for John Hinckley is just 2,430 words, Lee Harvey Oswald rates 12,499.

“Voodoo Histories” revels in those kind of simple counter arguments.  If Princess Diana and Marilyn Monroe were murdered, the conspiracies behind them must have had very peculiar methods in mind.  What sense does it make for an enormous international conspiracy, paying off dozens if not hundreds of people, to rely on its victim neglecting to put on her seatbelt?   What’s more likely, that shadowy forces would conspire to murder one of the most famous women in the world, or that an actress with a known drug problem overdosed?

Not that Aaronovitch limits himself to celebrity deaths.  Indeed, the goofy theories that grew up around Jack, Marilyn, and Diana are all dealt with in a single chapter.  He ranges over things as disparate as the ham handedly forged “Protocols of the Elders of Zion”, the still extant idea that Franklin Roosevelt knew about Pearl Harbor in advance, and the entertainingly batty notions that form the background to “The Da Vinci Code”.  The chapter about Dan Brown’s blockbuster novel, titled “Hold Blood, Holy Grail, Holy Shit” is considerably more amusing than either the novel or the dreary movie they made out of it.

The book does have two small, and slightly related, problems.  At the end of the introduction, Aaronovitch writes:

Part of my motivation for writing this book was the lighthearted aim of providing a useful resource to the millions of men and women who have found themselves on the wrong side of a bar or dinner-party conversation that beings, “I’ll tell you the real reason . . .” and have sat there, knowing it was all likely to be nonsense but rarely having the necessary arguments to hand.

[…]

I also wanted to understand just why it was that the counterintuitive, the unlikely, and the implausible would so often have a better purchase on our imagination and beliefs than the real.  In other words, I wanted to understand the psychology of the conspiracy theory.

Aaronovitch succeeds wildly at the first part.  I’ve never paid much attention to the 9/11 Truthers, but should I ever get into a conversation with one of them, “Voodoo Histories” has armed me to the teeth with funny and effective counterarguments.  But on the second part, on “the psychology of the conspiracy theory”, he falls a bit short.

He frequently points out how conspiracy theories tend to be reflections of the fashionable hysterias of the time.  But what he can’t quite distinguish is the knife edge difference between believing that British scientist David Kelly was murdered (not true), and the fact that, thanks to things like the Downing Street Memo, we now know that the American and British governments really did go to war under false pretenses.  The question of distinguishing the psychology of healthy skepticism from the psychology of batshit crazy is hardly raised.  Aaronovitch takes some stabs at differentiating between the two in his conclusion, but it’s pretty weak sauce.

The second, related problem is that while Aaronovitch is aware of the fashionable nature of conspiracy theories, he brushes over it when trying to make conspiracy theories seem more harmful or profound than they really are.  In discussing the serious nature of the 9/11 Truthers, Aaronovitch cites polls from 2003-2006 about heavy percentages of Germans, New Yorkers, and all Americans who believed that there had been some kind of cover-up relating to the terrorist attacks.  That’s all well and good, but those polls were taken during the height of anti-Iraq War sentiment and/or the false belief that Bush had stolen then 2004 election.  Susceptibility to those beliefs doubtlessly took big hits after the 2006 and 2008 elections went against the villains of those conspiracy theories.  Citing polls about the widespread nature of 9/11 Truther arguments from before those elections is a little misleading.

Those two flaws are the result of Aaronovitch not fully exploring what is, perhaps, the best explanation for his question about the psychology of conspiracies.  His concluding chapter is a rundown of all the reasons conspiracy theories flourish, and amidst talk of satisfying narratives and fashionable fears, he points out that conspiracy can often be read as “history for losers”.  When your side has been beaten, it’s easier to believe you were the victim of an unjust plot rather than the vagaries of chance or simple inadequacy.

But he calls that explanation inadequate, and ends the book by speculating that conspiracy theories allow people to feel important.  After all, if you believe that you’re in on a big secret that’s being kept from everyone, you’ve made yourself a member of a kind of elite.  But there is more than enough room for both explanations under the heading “history for losers”.  Whether you’re upset at what politicians you voted against are doing, or whether you’re unhappy about some tragedy, you’ve lost.  Conspiracy theories allow people to make sense of an often unhappy world without acknowledging their own powerlessness or insignificance.

Those are small complaints, and they don’t affect the main fun of the book, which is demolishing nutty theories with verve and panache.  “Voodoo Histories” is thoroughly researched, well written, and very funny.  Whether or not it will dissuade anyone from buying into the next round of paranoid conspiracy theories is anyone’s guess, but it’s a hell of a good read.