“There is a difference between ignorance and stupidity.” - Artie Ziff
“Not to me there isn’t!” - Homer Simpson
I have frequently seen Rick Shenkman’s “Just How Stupid Are We?” referred to as one of the most popular political books of the season. The numbers at the book’s home page up at History News Network back this claim: a rash of sterling Amazon.com statistics, media appearances on everything from CNN and Jon Stewart to Alternet and TomDispatch, and - most importantly - three printings. There is a problem though, “Just How Stupid Are We?” is an awful book which manages the neat trick of being well researched yet transparently shallow; it amounts to little more than an(other) anti-Bush screed from someone who isn’t happy about the last eight years. Only this time the guilty party is the American people and the victim may well be democracy itself.
Shenkman’s main contention is that the American public is blithely ignorant about basic civics and easily distracted by newsy fluff like drunk driving starlets and dead killer whales; as a result, they (we!) are very bad at making sound judgments when it comes to politics and voting. Moreover, he feels that “The People” (a concept he uses throughout the book even though he admits about halfway through that it has no real meaning) haven’t received their proper share of the blame for the catastrophes in America’s history, especially the last eight years of Bush the Younger. Pointing the finger for our problems on dishonest politicians and their corporate media enablers has, in his view, improperly exculpated The People.
With the notable exception of some interesting history in the sixth chapter, the book is an intellectual mess that reads like a series of loosely connected rants. Facts (poll numbers, statistics, specific events) are brought up to allow Shenkman to mock the people involved, but there’s no coherent theme other than that The People’s judgment isn’t as good as Rick Shenkman’s. He cites lots of surveys which show how ignorant people are of basic civics, including one which purports to show that Americans know more about The Simpsons than they do about the First Amendment, but the whole thing is an exercise in confusing correlation with causation.
He begins by saying that he’s not out to write another catalog of the misdeeds of Bush the Younger, and then proceeds immediately to one of the anguished liberal’s perennial favorites: the start of the Iraq War and the false belief that Saddam Hussein had something to do with the attacks on Washington and New York. He’s shocked that half of Americans still believed Iraq played a role even after the 9/11 Commission categorically stated that Saddam Hussein had nothing to do with the attacks. He then spends the next several pages cataloging all the government and media falsehoods which for years were relentlessly pressed on the American people before concluding that the question we really need to ask is how The People were so easily led astray.
Of course, he omits some inconvenient facts in his little diatribe. For one thing, in spite of the propaganda barrage coming from most major media outlets (including pretty much every television talking head) and the US Government, literally tens of millions of ordinary Americans opposed the war, many of whom went so far as to turn out in the streets to protest. These were inarguably members of The People, whereas any number of supposedly well informed media elites, including the luminaries behind publications like The New Republic, supported the war. Lots of people who would do quite well on those civics surveys Shenkman likes to cite were more bamboozled than great swaths of The People. But nevermind that, because the myth of The People as an infallible repository of wisdom must be challenged!
Just what myth of The People is he trying to disprove? That’s a question the book never really addresses. Shenkman seems to be under the impression that The People never come in for criticism; but, if I may be allowed two strokes with a brush half as broad as his, I’ve seen plenty of criticism of The People. The left frequently decries mouth breathing rednecks and Bible thumping hayseeds; the right does the same to latte drinking urbanites and godless secularists.
At one point Shenkman reaches way back to 1840 (Tippecanoe and Tyler Too) to show that people have always been susceptible to political manipulation, but then he also complains that today’s young people don’t read the newspapers like they used to back in the 1950s and therefore aren’t as informed as their elders. He decries the fact that today’s politicians don’t write their own speeches, to him this proves that artifice is the name of the modern game. He neglects to mention the fact that the Founding Fathers had a much smaller country to run, a much narrower audience to address (white property owners only, instead of everybody), and a lot more time on their hands.
He claims to be a liberal, but Shenkman spends much of the book flirting with the idea, which fully blooms only near the very end, that things were better when only certain folk could vote. He half heartedly denounces the sexism and racism which that implies, but he clearly believes that his opinions, and those of people intellectually similar to him, should count more. To give a small example, in his final chapter he suggests that we subsidize college students who can pass a weekly current events test, and nevermind that seriously studying things like math, science and engineering (and possibly working a job concurrently) can legitimately occupy most of a person’s waking hours.
The real problem with “Just How Stupid Are We?” is that it has only one concrete point to make and it could’ve been done in about 3,000 words. That point, that we should place more emphasis on civics education, is a valid one, but it certainly doesn’t take a whole book to make. What we’re left with is a small book (with thick margins and generous spacing) of things Rick Shenkman doesn’t like and blames on people different than him. Unfortunately, over the course of his 210 pages, including a “Sources” section and a very weak index, he frequently contradicts himself in the service of his immediate point.
For example, on page 126, in the context of lamenting sound-bite culture, he writes “I am convinced that, if provided with the facts, ordinary Americans are perfectly capable of reaching a judicious conclusion unless some profound bias affects their thinking.” That might come as a surprise to the author of page 46 who, lamenting the public’s inability to perfectly detect lies from on high, writes, “If voters were rational our politics would be rational. They aren’t.” Well, which is it? Are the people capable of sound judgment, they’re just easily deceived? Or are they irrational, vapid and intrinsically disinterested in fact acquisition? The only intellectual commonality between those two sentences is that they’re pithy declarations, the conclusions they reach are just shy of logical incompatibility. The only thing that saves them from being completely incompatible is the nebulousness of Shenkman’s padded prose.
The whole thing is fully revealed for the useless and silly exercise it is in the penultimate chapter, a rambling discourse on how easy it is to lead The People astray. Shenkman mentions how Republicans exploited the Civil Rights Movement to pursue their Southern Strategy and that this made liberals doubt the goodness of The People. A few pages later he notes that the strategy is fading but he leaves unstated the obvious conclusion: that the public is getting smarter about race. Getting smarter outside of civics class is not something ordinary people are allowed to do in Shenkman’s world. He catalogues how liberals despaired about The People after the 2004 election, but then speculates that if the Democrats win in 2008 (the book came out in June) it will be conservatives who will begin to howl and wail against The People.
So his conclusion is . . . what, exactly? That elections have losers and that the loser’s supporters are unhappy with The People? Can something that obvious be a conclusion? Of course not, Shenkman goes further and I’ll let him hang himself:
Thus do we find ourselves where we are today - in the pitiful position that neither liberals nor conservatives are prepared to say to The People: Stop and pay attention. Liberals cannot because their ideology leaves them unprepared to find fault with The People. Conservatives have not because The People repeatedly put them in power. In other words: Neither liberals nor conservatives have had anything meaningful to say about The People’s failure over the last few years to grapple with complexity, misinformation, and fear.
What it means in a democracy to have so few understand how our government works, who pays taxes, and how they are spent we do not care to inquire about too deeply. If we did, what troublesome debates we would have to have. We would have to consider the possibility that polls are meaningless since the polled often lack a sound basis upon which to make their choices. We would have to question the use of referendums and initiatives. We would have to consider requiring voters to pass a basic civics test before allowing them to cast a ballot. We might have to discuss the repeal of the Seventeenth Amendment in order to allow state legislatures to choose the members of the U.S. Senate as they used to. We might have to consider allowing the Electoral College to actually make the real decision in electing presidents as Alexander Hamilton wanted. And we would have to say to the politicians who insist on telling us The People are wise and true that they are full of it and should cease forthwith from insulting our intelligence with empty democratic gestures.
Shenkman concludes (in increasing order of lunacy):
- That polls are often meaningless (I’ll give him that one, but not for the reason he cites).
- That ballot initiatives are bad (They can be overused and implemented poorly, but the principal seems sound enough).
- That we should somehow re-empower the Electoral College (We took away their power, did that happen before or after 2000? And who elects the Electors again? I forgot).
- That we should repeal the 17th Amendment so that state legislatures choose US Senators (Ah yes, state legislatures, those bastions of honesty and transparency).
- That we should require citizens to pass a test before being allowed to vote (This one is off the charts; does the term “literacy test” mean anything to you? How about the principal of one person, one vote? I’ll dumb it down a shade; do the words “Democracy” and “Republic” hold any meaning for you, Rick Shenkman?).
I could just leave it at that, but I cannot resist one final tweak of this silly, incoherent book and its arrogant author. Near the end, and you can feel the unctuousness oozing off the page, Shenkman discusses Al Gore’s An Inconvenient Truth. Citing it as an example of the ways new media can be constructively used, Shenkman writes, “I myself wasn’t wholly convinced of our dire situation until watching his presentation.” That is a devastating admission, particularly coming from someone who fancies himself well informed and just spent 170 pages lambasting the rest of us for being ignorant and stupid. He’s praising Gore’s movie, but he’s doing so from atop a mountain of self righteous arrogance, “I myself”, “wholly convinced”, “presentation”. No one who’s been reading newspapers and serious magazines for the last decade should need any help from Al Gore’s slideshow to realize how “dire” the “situation” has become. Surely Mr. Shenkman believes that he should have a say in how we respond to global warming, but maybe we should give him a test to pass first.